Although Indian Muslims appear disinclined to support pan-Islamic jihadist ideology, al-Qaeda appears to be paying greater attention to India in its public statements. In February 2009, a senior al-Qaeda commander based in Afghanistan, Mustapha Abu al-Yazid, threatened India with ‘Mumbai-style’ terrorism if ever it attacked Pakistan. Although al-Qaeda has not carried out a direct terror attack in India, for some time there has been a close relationship between al-Qaeda and Kashmiri jihadist groups, most notably LeT, which has moved progressively away from a focus on Kashmir towards a more universal, al-Qaeda-style agenda. There is disquiet over al-Qaeda’s potential recruitment of Indian Muslims. There is also official concern about the radicalisation of Indian Muslims working or living abroad, including the large expatriate community in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. The spread of violent Islamic extremism from Pakistan is also a significant worry for India.
Several terror attacks abroad have involved Indians. Kafeel Ahmed, an engineer from Bangalore, died attempting to car-bomb Glasgow Airport in June 2007. Roshan Jamal Khan, a Mumbai businessman, was arrested in Barcelona in January 2008 and charged with being a member of a terror group and possessing explosives. His trial is expected soon. In 2006, Dhiren Barot, an Indian-born Briton who converted from Hinduism to Islam, was convicted in the UK of conspiracy to commit murder and sentenced to 30 years in prison. Haroon Rashid Aswat, a Briton of Indian origin, was a confidant of radical Finsbury Park mosque cleric Abu Hamza, and is in jail awaiting extradition to the United States for trial.
Government response
Although it has banned some organisations, India’s Congress-led government has not officially acknowledged the new threat of Indian jihadi terrorism for fear of alienating mainstream Muslims, who tend to vote for the Congress Party. (That is, outside the heavily Muslim-populated states of Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Kerala, where they back regional opposition parties.)
The next Indian government will have several options. It could, for the first time, formally condemn ‘home-grown’ terror. It could take measures to alleviate Muslims’ perceived or real grievances. For example, it could enact and implement the Communal Violence Bill of 2008 to intervene, even forcibly, to prevent the outbreak or escalation of communal violence.
To counter Islamic radicalism, the government needs to be seen to be tough with Hindu extremist groups that incite violence against Muslims. Justice has been selective, and many criminal cases relating to anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat have not been investigated.
The influential conservative Darul Uloom seminary in Deoband, Uttar Pradesh, issued a fatwa (Islamic decree) against terrorism in February 2008. Yet, it did not specifically condemn terror, while expressing deep concern over the perceived targeting of Muslims worldwide. Clearly, more needs to be done. The mainstream Muslim community also needs to strongly condemn and isolate the extremists.
Convincing official action could reduce the possibility that home-grown jihadist terrorism could become a major security challenge. The fact that some key thresholds have not yet been crossed – for example, the use of suicide bombings or commando-style attacks – suggests that the threat may still be in its early stages and could respond to mitigating government action.
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