As prepared - check against delivery
Mr. Chairman, Ministers, Ambassadors, Generals and Admirals,
Dear friends,
I am very glad and particularly honoured to speak here for the first time, on the occasion of this 7th session of the Shangri La Dialogue. As the years went by, thanks to the International Institute for Strategic Studies, and also thanks to the outstanding hospitality of the Singapore authorities, this forum has become the major conference on security issues in Asia.
My being here, a few weeks before the beginning of the Presidency of the E.U., is a token of the importance of this part of the world to the eyes of France as well as those of Europe. This will be one of the major statements expressed by our next White Paper on defence and national security issues: during the twenty-five years to come, the centre of gravity of the world will move more and more towards Asia. Through their economic, financial, demographic and intellectual dynamism, through their geopolitical significance, and also through their developmental disparities and the tension factors that they are faced with, Asia, and Southeast Asia in particular, is a major strategic stake for Europe.
1. This is why we are firmly committed to security in Asia.
A global stake requests a global answer. In terms of security, France and Europe are not intending to remain secondary partners in Asia, but indeed full players.
This commitment finds an illustration today in Afghanistan first, where we are making a long and difficult counter terrorism and State reconstruction effort.
Under President Sarkozy’s impulse, France has recently decided to reinforce its commitment. Beyond our increased military presence, our approach is political, first and foremost. During the NATO Summit in Bucharest, we managed to see a plan adopted, that is underpinned by the principles we were defending: long term involvement, better coordination within the international community thanks to the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General, gradual appropriation of their security by the Afghans, integration of the regional aspect of the Afghan issue. As you know, victory cannot be of military nature only, otherwise it would be no victory.
Beyond the decisions made in Bucharest, reconstruction remains the major stake. This is why, on next 12th of June, France will host an international conference to support Afghanistan, in the presence of President Karzai.
Its purpose will be dual: political, first, to mobilise the international community; and financial to enable the Afghans to take gradual control of their destiny, through the implementation of National Development Strategy. All this will have to come along with guarantees, especially in terms of good governance and counter corruption, but also in terms of institutions adapted to Afghanistan. One cannot model the institutions of such a country on those of Western countries. What is needed, in my view, is institutions adapted to the history and culture of Afghanistan.
Our interest for Afghanistan is also related with our being determined to counter terrorism and fundamentalism. Indeed, things have improved, as illustrated by the resolute actions taken in the aftermath of the Bali bomb attacks.
Today, struggling against Al Qaida and its ramifications is still a priority for each nation present in this room. Let me tell you solemnly today: in this struggle, France will stand by you, and it is appealing to a model cooperation of all States on this issue, especially as regards intelligence. We can make progress and we must make progress.
There is never enough transparency and communication on these topics. Our peoples would not forgive us for neglecting this – I was about to say – moral duty.
I said counter-terrorism, but let e me remind you that counter-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is a priority for Preident Sarkozy.
Countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is also a priority. Therefore, France is paying attention to the negotiation process initiated with North Korea and will continue supporting the six-party talks. That country should understand that the international community would not accept the continuation of proliferating activities, like their dissemination to third countries. More than ever, cooperation between our countries, as illustrated by the breaking up of Dr Khan network, remains a priority in that field, whether it is about bilateral cooperation or commitment to ad hoc frameworks like the PSI Initiative.
Coming on top of terrorism and proliferation threats, piracy is an endemic scourge, which is recrudescing in Asia as on other seas of the world. This is why, last November, we launched an initiative to escort the World Food Programme ships to Somalia. Once the hostages of the French sailboat Ponant had been set free, we announced our intention to increase our counter piracy commitment even more. Therefore, we have to reinforce our maritime and military cooperation and define an adapted legal framework. To this end, together with the United States, France co-promotes the draft resolution which is being drawn up at the Security Council, the purpose of which is to establish a right to pursue pirates in the territorial waters of countries that would allow it.
2. At the heart of Asia, a sub-region – Southeast Asia – is a very special stake.
Its seaways are like a bridge that links the Asian nations with one another – that means almost 60% of the global population – and makes it possible to link North America and Europe with Northeast Asia, whose economic activity accounts for more than 50% of the world GDP.
And yet, the dangers facing Southeast Asia are numerous: terrorism, piracy, natural disasters that hit Asia as a whole, as illustrated by the tragedies that have just hit Burma and China. Besides, how can we forget the social or religious tensions in this part of the world, or the bilateral disputes between countries which are experimenting a fast military build-up, along with an almost 10% per year growth?
Faced with these threats, let me first emphasize the efforts made by States, who display a remarkable determination and will. These cooperation patterns have been very efficient, especially to counter the major terrorists groups or to increase security in the straits.
As for France, it has also worked in that direction as, over many years, it has developed bilateral defence relations with the regional States, focusing on three main items: security policy dialogue, operational cooperation and industrial cooperation.
Our country is also intending to develop this cooperation at a regional level. This is exactly the rationale behind our participation in the ASEAN regional forum or our signing the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, early 2007.
But, beyond that, let me also salute the efforts made to reinforce the regional cooperation structures, among which ASEAN ranks first. In an Asia that is getting used to collective security, even if there is still a long way to go, ASEAN has set an example since 1968. Numerous initiatives and ideas aiming at establishing an Asian defence community more particularly, are illustrations of this dynamism. As an example, let me mention the meetings of the Defence ministers of that Association.
France strongly supports this pragmatic initiative. It will contribute to developing confidence between member-States, which, beyond their common interests, remain too often prisoners of bilateral disputes. As a European, and after so many suicidal wars, I am not in a position to pretend I can give any kind of lesson. But I am convinced that, precisely, the history of peace in Europe merges with that of the slow but irreversible European building-process.
This approach is an example for the whole world, through the message of peace and reconciliation that it conveys. It is also a historic approach because never before had free States had this will, this courage to go beyond their national identities and to put their forces together to serve a common project.
3. In this framework, France remains resolutely committed to Southeast Asia to prevent crises.
As a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, and as a riparian country of the Pacific Ocean, France has permanent joint forces in the vicinity of Southeast Asia, in the Pacific and in the Indian Ocean. It is thus intending to take its responsibilities in case of a crisis in the region.
We did so after the tsunami in 2004, when our country deployed 1,300 troops and a significant number of airmobile assets, as we were ready to do so for the benefit of Burma.
But, beyond that, being a dedicated European, I am sure that Asia is also a stake that is commensurate with Europe, and more particularly, European defence. Something must be built in-between us after the successful EU-ASEAN joint political mission in Aceh, initiated in September 2005.
The particularly painful advent of humanitarian disasters must encourage us to increase the defence and security aspect of the existing dialogues. A first practical item could be an improved organisation of assets in case of a European humanitarian operation in Southeast Asia. In the framework of the French presidency of the European Union, we are planning to organise evacuation plans of citizens, particularly those having dual nationality, that will request to cooperate with the States of that region.
4. A possible confidence-building measure: the submarines.
Let me finish and come back to a concrete example, and go back over the ways to develop the confidence-building measures that are pivotal to foster the build-up of regional security architecture and an appeasement of the inter-States relations.
This example is that of the submarines even if they are no novelty in Southeast Asia, they have become over the recent years one of the privileged vectors by the Naval forces of the region. These submarine forces are likely to patrol in shallow waters, strewn with narrow routes.
France, an industrial partner of some States in this region, is intending to take on its responsibilities, and to participate in the thinking process to avoid any risk of destabilisation.
We do not pretend we have a solution that is ready for use. But these confidence-building measures could take the form of a working group in an adapted structure, for instance, like the Shangri La Dialogue itself, or a regional organisation like ASEAN and ARF, or, in a first step, think tanks.
Other more concrete cooperation patterns could then make these evolutions last: training programmes, exchange of officers on warships, regional rescue exercises and mechanisms based on existing agreements for other oceans.
Conclusion
We are no longer in an environment that was long ago described as "benign neglect” by Europe about Asia, by a Singapore Prime Minister. Symmetrically, Asia should not consider Europe as a second ranking partner.
Southeast Asia will be an area of increasing commitment by the European Union and its member-States, which have understood the significance of a strategic situation in Asia that is constantly on the move. And it is not only the representative of a country that has a strong territorial presence in the Pacific who is telling you so.
The European experience could be beneficial to Asia as a whole – North Asia included – in terms of collective security. As a school for peace, Europe may rightfully bear such a message.
To conclude, let me share with you this sentence by philosopher Hannah Ahrendt, in 1968: “the opposite of violence is not the absence of violence, but it is called politics”. Through a bilateral and multilateral dialogue, politics acknowledges and organises this diversity of human communities and roots its legitimacy in them. About the Cold War, one used to say that it was an “era of unlikely war and impossible peace” (a quotation by Raymond Aron). I am convinced that, if crises may seem somewhat less unlikely in Asia than elsewhere, peace no longer seems impossible.
Our responsibility is to foster cooperation and dialogue to change the risks of war into hope for peace, so as to divert the dark clouds. May the Shangri La Dialogue and other forums contribute to that!
Thank you for your attention!
