INTRODUCTION
I would like to begin by personally thanking His Majesty the King, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince, and His Excellency the Foreign Minister for the splendid hospitality we have receive from the Kingdom of Bahrain. I would also like to thank John Chipman and his team at IISS for making the 7th Manama Dialogue such a success and for inviting me to speak here today.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, since the formation of the new Coalition Government in Great Britain there has been an unprecedented amount of energy—and a renewed sense of urgency— in our engagement in the Gulf.
The British Government’s Gulf Initiative has focused on the traditional areas of economics, defence and security, and rightfully so.
But in addition to these areas of cooperation this Initiative has, uniquely, placed an emphasis on other areas of cooperation, such as education and culture.
The Prime Minister made an early visit to the region a priority an dthere has been a steady flow of Cabinet and other Ministers over the past six months.
And the Gulf is a key focus for the Ministry of Defence.
What happens here can have a direct impact on the national security of the United Kingdom, our prosperity and the safety our citizens.
Yes, we have long historical connections with many countries in the Gulf.
These are bonds of friendship, understanding and respect that have endured for many years – through good times and bad.
But even the best friendships need to be supported by mutual self-interest.
Fortunately, we have many over-lapping self-interests with our partners here in the Gulf - in trade and energy security, in tackling terrorism and nuclear proliferation, in regional stability and a successful Middle East Peace Process.
These are a strong basis for our future partnerships and why the United Kingdom is committed, and will be committed to our engagement in the Gulf.
COMMITMENT TO GULF SECURITY
In the United Kingdom we have just completed the first comprehensive review of our security and defence needs in over a decade.
We recognise the world is changing, and we must change with it.
Today - with our economies linked, our peoples connected and our interests convergent - threats originating in one part of the globe, can become threats in all parts of the globe—and very quickly.
With economic security and national security inextricably linked, our approach must be one of necessary and beneficial partnership, not optional isolation.
Perhaps nowhere is this more relevant than here in the Gulf.
The successful nations of today will be those facing outward and forward—not inward and backward.
We recognise that the world is a dangerous place.
So that is why, after our recent Strategic Defence and Security Review, we have maintained our place among the very top rank of military powers supported by the fourth largest defence budget in the world.
We will pursue an ‘adaptable posture’ which requires our Armed Forces to become a more flexible and agile force, maintaining global reach and capable of providing nuclear and conventional deterrence, but also ready to intervene when required.
The outcome of our SDSR also demonstrates that our commitment to security in the Gulf is undiminished.
This commitment is underpinned by the maintenance of our significant military contribution which contributes to reassurance and deterrence in the region.
Working closely with our Gulf allies and the United States we will maintain the political will and military capability required to deter regional aggression.
Currently, we have around 1500 personnel in the region working with the Combined Maritime Forces continuing our commitment to assist the Iraqi security forces through training and mentoring, and our airmen and others providing logistical and operational support to UK and coalition forces in Afghanistan.
Most notably, we maintain a sizeable naval presence in the region including at least one frigate, a permanent task group of mine counter measure vessels, and various support ships.
As part of a coalition this maritime presence is to assist in the free movement of shipping, up and down the Gulf.
Our Maritime Component Commander, Commodore Fraser, here in Bahrain provides command and control for all our naval assets in the region and is also the deputy commander of the Combined Maritime Force under the US Navy’s Admiral Fox.
This level of engagement and involvement on the military and security front shows the priority we place on the Gulf and the region.
But it isn’t just about the number of ships or personnel in the area. It is also about building and strengthening relations with some of Britain’s closest allies.
Through our military engagement and our defence diplomacy the UK strives to improve the capabilities of our Gulf allies so all regional players can have a role ensuring regional security.
A great example of this can be found right here in Bahrain.
We look forward to Bahrain taking command of Combined Task Force-152 later this month for the second time - the first Gulf state to do so.
The history of the region has demonstrated the value of our enduring relationships with our friends here.
Undertaking training and exercises with our partners demonstrates our capabilities and forges trust – and here in the Gulf the UK has robust bilateral defence relationships.
We will continue to enhance those relationships, and forge new ones, wherever we can. We cannot afford to disengage with one of the world’s most important strategic areas.
DETERRENCE AGAINST FUTURE THREATS
We face many shared threats – including nuclear proliferation, piracy of the coast of Somalia and the potential of regional instability emanating from Yemen.
In the Gulf of Aden we are part of a multi-national effort to provide maritime security.
In Yemen, alongside Saudi Arabia and the UAE, we are helping to focus international attention on the challenges the country faces to prevent conflict through a comprehensive approach with development as its focus. The Friends of Yemen, in which the UK plays a leading role, is at the heart of this process.
Of course, the Main Effort for UK Defence at this current moment is in Afghanistan where British Armed Forces are part of a 48 nation international assistance force actingto protect our national security by ensuring that trans-national terrorists cannot find safe and unhindered sanctuary there as they did before 9/11.
Stability and development in Afghanistan is in all our interests and we are grateful for the ongoing support and partnership of our all allies including those in the Gulf and the wider region.
But as you know only too well, Al-Qaeda and their affiliates are peddling their brand of violent extremism across many regions of the world. Trans-national terrorism has no geographical boundaries.
In the region, this is exemplified by al- Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula.
The interdependent and globalised world in which we live means that terrorism affects us all in ways once not considered possible.
As I have already stated the Gulf nations are key partners in the fight against international terrorism and we should work ever more closely together to counter this threat – assisting each other to develop intelligence, counter-terrorism capabilities and de-radicalisation programmes.
In fact, dealing with transnational terrorism is perhaps one of the best examples of mutual self-interest the Gulf and the UK share.
Part of dealing with these threats and challenges in the region is through deterrence.
Deterrence seeks to avoid conflict. It therefore has inherent legitimacy.
It is about setting boundaries for action and communicating the risks associated with crossing them.
The costs of deterring conflict will invariably be less than those of direct intervention at scale or the wider price we may pay when conflict destabilises a region.
Effective deterrence of Saddam Hussein before the invasion of Kuwait in 1990 would have avoided the much more severe costs that followed.
So deterrence is also cost effective.
But that does not mean it is cheap or easy.
We must show that we are resilient and committed - and the UK is both of these in the Gulf.
Iran
[Of course, we cannot discuss security in the Gulf without mentioning Iran]
There has been lots of discussion here at the Manama Dialogue about Iran and the concerns of the international community over the true purpose of its nuclear programme. .
We must recognise that Iran has a long history rooted in thousands of years of Persian identity.
Iran has a rightful place among the proud nations of this region, and indeed as a responsible member of the international community.
But that role must be as a partner, not a problem.
The international community’s dispute is not with the people of Iran but with a Government that seems intent on following a course which is in breach of international law.
I welcome the news that Iran is to sit down with representatives of the Permanent 5 members of the UN Security Council plus Germany in Switzerland early next week.
The P5 countries plus Germany stand united in wanting a diplomatic solution to the nuclear issue.
The talks next week need to make a serious start towards resolving the concerns of the international community about Iran’s nuclear programme.
These are set out clearly in the latest report of the International Atomic Energy Agency and in the Resolutions of the UN Security Council.
Iran needs to engage seriously and constructively to address these concerns.
For our part, we will continue to talk, and keep up the peaceful pressure with targeted sanctions.
We are serious about reaching an agreement that recognises Iran’s legitimate civil nuclear interests.
An Iranian nuclear weapons capability will not be tolerated by the international community. It could destroy hopes for peace in the Middle-East, for international stability and could very well mean the end of Non-Proliferation Treaty as we know it.
A nuclear arms race in the region would diminish Iranian security, not protect it.
We want a negotiated solution, not a military one -– but Iran needs to work with us to achieve that outcome. We will not look away, or back down.
CONCLUSION
Ladies and Gentlemen, the United Kingdom is grateful for the support provided to our Armed Forces here.
We value the close and unique defence relationships we have in the region.
Our friendships here are not based on history alone, but on current requirements – not on sentiment, but on a mutual interests – not looking backwards but forwards to a shared future.
The UK’s enduring engagement with our key partners and allies here in the Gulf will remain a fundamental part of our approach to defence and security – as will Britain’s military contribution to regional stability.
