Thank you, John, for that introduction. My thanks to the Kingdom of Bahrain and His Majesty, King Hamad, for graciously hosting us once again. The United States and Bahrain have been friends for decades, and we look forward to working together for many more.
Much has changed in this region since we met last year. Of course, my country has had its own share of change. Some of you may have caught in passing the news of the presidential election last month. I bring from President-Elect Obama a message of continuity and commitment to our friends and partners in the region. Though the American political process is at times tumultuous and our open and vigorous debates might seem to indicate deep divisions, I can assure you that a change in administration does not alter our fundamental interests, especially in the Middle East. Throughout my career in government, which began over 42 years ago, the security of the Gulf has been a central concern of every administration for which I have worked. That will not change, especially considering the great challenges we all face, from the need to defeat violent extremism, to the necessity of forging a two-state solution between Israel and the Palestinians that will allow everyone in that region to live in peace and prosperity.
I had thought that my remarks today would be a valedictory and a farewell, but it was not to be. The President-Elect has asked me to stay on as Secretary of Defense and, as you know, I have accepted. I am honoured to continue leading the United States Department of Defense. I am doing everything in my power to ensure a smooth transition. More extensive planning has been done across the American government in preparation for this transition than at any time I can remember, and I have worked for seven presidents, soon to be eight. Anyone who thought that the upcoming months might present opportunities to test the new administration would be sorely mistaken. President Obama and his national security team, myself included, will be ready to defend the interests of the United States and our friends and allies from the moment he takes office on 20 January.
For the next few minutes, I want to talk about some of the most pressing issues that the United States and all the nations of the Gulf will face in the years ahead. Let me start with Iraq. As you know, the United States and Iraq just concluded a Status of Forces Agreement that calls for US combat troops to be out of Iraqi cities by the end of June, and out of Iraq by the end of 2011. This agreement balances the interests of both countries as we see the emergence of a sovereign Iraq in full control of its territory. It also marks an important step forward in the orderly drawdown in the American presence there. But, with the passage of the provincial elections law in September, the stage is set for January elections that we hope will draw more fully into the political process Iraqis who have been underrepresented in the government.
All of this indicates the dawn of a new era in Iraq, where a sovereign, independent and representative government has finally taken root. It is a government that increasingly looks at problems from a national, not an ethnic perspective, and whose solutions are increasingly driven by a non-violent, if sometimes contentious political process. It is also a government that desires to, and can, play an important and constructive role in this region.
Of course, that depends a substantial measure on the nations represented here. For the better part of 50 years, Iraq has presented a strategic problem for its neighbours and for the region, inflicting suffering on its own people, and on many others. I mention this because I am aware that in international affairs, old wounds do not heal easily. If, however, you look closely at Iraq’s economic and political potential, about what it can offer the Middle East, you will see that it is in everyone’s strategic interests to support the new government and the people of Iraq in whatever way you can.
Firstly, on the diplomatic front, the past year has seen a number of high profile diplomatic engagements from meetings between heads of state to exchanges of ambassadors, and more. I strongly encourage those nations that have not yet taken steps to restore full diplomatic relations with Iraq to do so. Iraq can only play a constructive role in this region if it is on an equal footing diplomatically, which also requires its government to take proactive steps, such as continuing to appoint its own ambassadors. Regional engagement also means that Iraq should be included in regional forums for economic and security cooperation, and considered for membership in Middle East organisations, such as the Gulf Cooperation Council.
Secondly, on the economy, business and trade are key to the growth of Iraq’s economy, and therefore its long-term stability and security. Expanded trade will also benefit the region as a whole. Those countries that have not forgiven Saddam-era debt should try to move forward as quickly as possible and follow through with pledges they have already made. Iraq should continue to engage with regional multilateral financial institutions, as both a contributor to and recipient of training and development programmes, including the Arab Monetary Fund, the Islamic Development Bank, and the Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development.
Finally, there is the security situation. Earlier I mentioned that great progress has been made, but let me emphasise that it is the opinion of everyone – Americans, Iraqis, civilian leaders and military commanders – that the gains are still reversible. There remain those who wish to see the government of Iraq fail, and those who will continue to kill innocent civilians to further this goal, as we saw just a few days ago in Kirkuk. I do not need to impress on the nations represented here the dangers posed by al-Qaeda and its ideology. All of us have a stake in Iraq’s ongoing fight with extremists. Neighbours must lend support and increase their border control efforts, especially those who have thus far failed to live up to pledges to tighten border crossings. Further, I applaud and encourage the nations of the region to continue programmes that can dissuade potential recruits from joining extremist groups, or rehabilitate those who have. On this point I should note that much progress has been made, with innovative programmes to halt the tide of extremism and offer alternatives to those who are the most susceptible to the radical teachings of al-Qaeda. We must keep in mind that this is a fight that will require patience and resolve over many years, if not decades.
Unfortunately, no discussion of the security situation in Iraq is complete without mentioning Iran, a country whose every move seems designed to create maximum anxiety in the international community. There is no doubt that Iran has been heavily engaged in trying to influence the development and direction of the Iraqi government, and has not been a good neighbour. Much of that effort has been on training and supplying groups intent on undermining the government, more often than not through violence and attacks on Iraqi security forces and government installations and officials. Of course, the use of sub-national actors as Iranian proxies should be no surprise, considering the financial and military support that Tehran has long given organisations such as Hamas and Hizbullah, which also seek to undermine legitimate governments by violent means.
When it comes to Iran’s missile programmes, we all know that pictures can be deceiving. Even so, it is clear that Iran has this year tested long-range missiles that can hit any country in the Middle East. At the same time, Iran has continued its pursuit of a nuclear programme that is almost assuredly geared towards developing nuclear weapons. The last thing this region, or the world, needs is a nuclear arms race in the Middle East.
What can be done about Iran? For starters, the international community has come together and increased pressure on Iran diplomatically and economically. I encourage you to implement fully the financial measures called for by the United Nations, but I think you can be even more influential by carrying out many of the actions I mentioned earlier.
By welcoming the new Iraq into the Arab fold, your and Iraq’s interests are aligned on a number of levels: in the fight against al-Qaeda and terrorism, in the desire to develop a vibrant and resilient economy, in efforts to bridge the sectarian divides in this part of the world, and in the necessity to limit Iranian influence and meddling, nationally and regionally, meddling that has already cost far too many lives. For other Arabs to withhold support and friendship because of the composition of Iraq’s government or because of past aggressions by a defunct government would be to increase the risk of the very outcome many in the region fear, just when Iraq is determining its future path at home and with its neighbours. Iraq wants to be your partner and, given the challenges in the Gulf and the reality of Iran, you should wish to be theirs.
Let me also say a few words about Afghanistan. As you know, the United States has focused more on Afghanistan in recent months and intends to add more resources and military forces next year. There is no doubt that it is a tough fight in Afghanistan, but it is one that is critical to the Middle East as a whole. Al-Qaeda and its ideology were incubated in the failed state of Afghanistan, and the extremists have largely returned their attention to that region in the wake of reversals in Iraq. It is a movement that began in that region, and it is a movement that must end there.
As we have seen from attacks across the Middle East, the danger reaches far beyond the borders of Afghanistan or Pakistan. In the last few years, there has been a substantial increase in resources devoted to Afghanistan. There are 42 nations, hundreds of NGOs, universities, development banks, the United Nations, the European Union, NATO and more all working to help a nation beset by crushing poverty, a bumper opium crop, a ruthless and resilient insurgency, and violent extremists of many stripes, not the least of which is al-Qaeda. The problem, of course, is that the operation is incredibly complex, and with so many partners, it is hard to keep everyone on the same page. Nonetheless, I believe that the upcoming year will see significant progress, the result of more resources, improved cooperation, and lessons learned over the past seven years. As with Iraq, the nations of the Middle East have much to offer the Afghan people. An enduring requirement is the ability to rapidly train, equip and advise Afghan security forces, as we are doing, to improve the size and quality of Afghanistan’s army.
I was heartened by the pledges made at the Paris support conference earlier this year by Gulf nations. I would ask that all countries here ask what more they can do, especially with regard to helping fund the Afghan army’s sustainment, as well as supporting the 2009 presidential elections, or sending security forces or civilian experts to help build Afghan capacity. Some nations have contributed field hospitals, and other needs include more engineers and agricultural experts, medical and de-mining teams, a variety of military equipment, and more. Finally, ensure that your governments are doing everything in their power to halt financing of the Taliban, whether through the legitimate banking system, or illicitly through the trade. This should include strengthening counterterrorism finance laws.
The final topic I wanted to discuss is related to what I have already mentioned: regional security through venues like the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the Gulf Security Dialogue (GSD). While the GCC and the GSD cover a wide range of issues – from trade and energy infrastructure security to counterterrorism and regional stability – I want to focus on two in particular: air and maritime security.
Along with the traditional challenges facing our nations, there is a range of diverse unconventional threats that transcend national borders. Some are ancient, such as piracy, ethnic strife, and poverty. Others are of more recent vintage: terrorist networks harnessing new technologies, weapons proliferation, environmental degradation, and the emergence of deadly and contagious diseases that can spread more rapidly than ever before in human history. What these challenges have in common is that they simply cannot be overcome by one, or even two, countries no matter how powerful or wealthy. They require multiple nations acting with uncommon unity. That is particularly true of air defences and maritime security, areas where multinational cooperation is not just a preference, but a necessity.
The momentum from last year’s GSD meetings led to significant progress in air and missile defence throughout the Middle East. Several GCC nations are in the process of acquiring, or have expressed interest in, shared early warning, near real-time information on air and missile attacks that would allow maximum time for a nation to defend itself. Additionally, all GCC countries have expressed a desire to obtain, or are already obtaining, active defence systems. These procurements demonstrate the GCC’s commitment to regional security and interoperability with each other and the United States.
The need for increased maritime security, and potentially new and better means of cooperation, has been highlighted by the recent high profile acts of piracy off the coast of Somalia and in the Gulf of Aden. As with terrorism, piracy is a problem that has serious international implications and should be of particular concern to any nation that depends on the seas for commerce. Earlier this year, the United States Fifth Fleet, based in Bahrain, established a maritime security patrol area in the Gulf of Aden and is leading an international coalition to keep shipping lanes safe. I thank Saudi Arabia for agreeing to support the effort and encourage other nations to do so.
Given the vast coastal areas of Somalia and Kenya, more than 1 million square miles, there are limits to patrolling alone; more must be done. Under the United Nations Security Council resolution passed last week, members of the international community must work together to aggressively pursue and deter piracy. Companies and ships must be more vigilant about staying in recommended traffic corridors, and should consider increasing their security personnel and non-lethal defensive capabilities. New efforts for countries represented here might include developing a maritime surface picture and standard operating procedures against seaborne threats beyond just piracy, such as terrorism, narcotics trafficking, and smuggling.
All told, multilateral efforts like these are encouraging. They bolster the defensive capabilities of everyone involved, while not diminishing pre-existing bilateral or multilateral relationships. They are a model for how all of us can better address the challenges of the twenty-first century by fostering cooperation between and among the nations of the Gulf.
Let me close with a personal observation. In preparing to, at some point, retire from government service, I have been pondering all I have seen since joining the United States government in 1966. There have been good times and bad times, and great successes and haunting failures, yet despite the challenges, no matter how tough the problems, I have always been amazed by the ability of many nations of the world to come together and get the big things right. For so long, many of the problems in this part of the world have seemed intractable. I believe, however, that there are many reasons for optimism, from an Iraq that is fighting its way out from the darkness of recent decades, to the unprecedented cooperation between nations of the Gulf as they, and we, face incredibly difficult and dangerous threats. As we look to the future, let us vow to continue and strengthen these activities, to cast aside old animosities and work together in the spirit of friendship to forge in the end a better and brighter future for all of the peoples of the Middle East. Thank you.
