Mr Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,
We are all aware of the painful trajectory my country has experienced over the last five years to bring us to where we are today. Iraq`s struggle as an emerging democracy has been as profound as it has been remarkable: the violence has brought to bear huge sacrifices and the Iraqi people have fought back against crisis after crisis that at times seemed never-ending. Yet, to all of us who have followed events unfolding in Iraq closely, our transition has also been frequently inspiring and clearly affirmative of the desire of the majority of the people of Iraq for peace, stability and a democratic system of governance.
As a politician it`s my job to present an optimistic picture of the current situation, and certainly our genuine progress, especially over the last 12 months, needs acknowledgement: There has been an 80% decline in violence to a 4-year low; the economy is showing vital signs of life; and on the security front we have greatly strengthened the capabilities of Iraqi security forces, which have increased in size, equipment, professionalism and responsibility. Tellingly, we have just witnessed the handover to Iraqi control of Al-Anbar province, the largest province in Iraq, formerly the heartland of the brutal insurgency and of Al Qaeda in Iraq, as well as the primary transit point for foreign terrorists into our country. Al Anbar is the 11th of Iraq`s 18 provinces to come under Iraqi control and others are already in the pipeline.
Even those who wrote Iraq off over previous years now acknowledge that we have turned a potentially huge corner. 18 months ago, Iraq was on the verge of civil war but we have managed to pull ourselves back from the brink and remarkably today, in forums such as this, we are cautiously exploring initiatives of ‘doing business with Iraq’ and of foreign investment.
However, what we have now is fragile and what we do next is critical to the viability and endurance of any hard-won gains we have made. While security is the prerequisite for progress in any field – be it political, socio-economic, reconstruction or humanitarian – a comprehensive approach must be sustained, and here we continue to face major challenges.
Crucially, I believe we, as a government, must reach political compromise and progress on 4 key fronts to prevent squandering our achievements and laying the ground for a relapse of violence.
One – The government is working hard to consolidate and accelerate national reconciliation; Two - we must conclude the security arrangement to govern the presence and status of US forces in Iraq after their mandate expires at the end of the year; and Three - we must seek greater engagement with our neighbours in the wake of a new rapprochement towards Iraq, which includes a number of Ambassadorial appointments to Baghdad from key Arab countries.
Since 2003 we have pursued a proactive and arduous campaign of national reconciliation against the backdrop of a fractured society burdened with mistrust and haunted by the legacy of the past. Recent drops in violence reflect the measure of success in these efforts to some extent – we have seen the rise of groups that renounce violence, such as the movement of Awakening Councils (or sons of Iraq) in which former insurgents have taken up arms against terrorists in association with Iraqi and US troops. We also have the return to political life of boycotting groups to the Council of Ministers, such as the National Accordance Front of Sunni Arabs, ensuring all Iraq`s communities are represented in national government. It is testimony to the will for peace of all Iraq`s communities that, together, we turned the tide of rising sectarian violence that exploded in 2005 after the bombing of the Samarra’s holy shrine. No-one wanted to go down that road.
There are, of course, other factors at work that have stabilised the situation to the extent that progress in reconciliation can be made: the success of the surge strategy and the highly commendable performance of our own security forces, the realisation of some groups that their strategy of violence is not working and the turnaround of communities that previously boycotted elections, who now want to have a stake in the democratic political process. Also, it would be naïve not to recognise that some groups are anticipating and positioning themselves for the change of administration in the United States and what that may mean for Iraq.
However, to unite the country behind a common agenda, and encourage peaceful political participation, we must take two critical steps in the immediate term – hold provincial elections this year, contested in an open, fair and dynamic political environment to strengthen democracy and further reconciliation through political inclusiveness. And push through hydrocarbon legislation that ensures the equitable sharing of Iraq’s massive wealth of resources. The Council of Representatives is committed to an ambitious legislative agenda and we have successfully passed key laws this year already – the Justice and Accountability Law, the Regional Powers law and the 2008 budget allocating almost 40% to public works and services. But we realise we have gone too slow on concluding the electoral and oil legislation. The political will is there, although we are dealing with some very difficult and long-standing issues, such as the disputed areas and territories, for example Kirkuk, and more recently the new political forces emerging in a constantly shifting and complex political landscape.
We do have the help of the United Nations in Iraq and we are seeking genuine solutions and power-sharing agreements to resolve political stalemates. We also have our country’s legal framework enshrined in the nationally-ratified constitution, the review of which will be the arbiter of a democratic, pluralistic, federal and united Iraq. A ‘winner takes all’ approach to governance and power in Iraq will not work – political inclusion in a democratic system must be on the basis of equal citizenship, transparent government and the rule of law. Progress at national political level must be translated into tangible changes at grassroots level for all Iraqis – in the economy, reconstruction, putting people back to work, and strengthening systems and the infrastructure of robust public service provision.
The electorate has proved it wants a representative parliament and a peaceful exchange of power. Following previous elections, voter registration stood at 17 million and in recent months as the electoral register has re-opened, up to 3 million voters have added their names.
As we develop into a pluralistic and fully sovereign democracy, we are taking the next logical step in the United States’ involvement in Iraq. Similar to arrangements the US has with over 80 countries, Iraq and the US have developed a broader Strategic Framework Agreement outlining the political, economic, cultural and military basis for our continued relationship. In March this year we began the negotiating process for a Status of Forces Agreement to provide the legal basis for US forces in Iraq once their UN mandate expires in December. This SOFA encompasses jurisdiction; detention; powers of authorisation to launch military operations; and issues of sovereignty and immunity. All these issues are universal to any SOFA agreement and are very sensitive, however there are no hidden clause and the text of the agreement will be made public. We now have a single text that must be subject to a political decision by the Iraqi government to accept, and that the Council of Representatives must then either ratify or reject on behalf of the Iraqi people.
The negotiation of this agreement is testament to the increased capabilities of our home-grown security forces and conditions on the ground, and the subsequent reduction of MNF control was always the stated objective of UNSC resolutions, as well as the mutual goal of Iraq and its partners, for full Iraqi sovereignty. We have increasingly needed Iraqi solutions and sovereign decisions to address our problems; for example the successful campaign led by Prime Minister Maliki in Basra, which changed the security situation, to route out the illegal militias and end their hold over the city. Internally, our country is not uniform – what works in Baghdad may not work in Basra or Mosul – each city or province has its own political-economic and social fabric and Iraqis are best positioned to stabilise their own streets.
The key to finding the balance in the SOFA arrangements is to find the solution that does not supercede the interests of the Iraqi people and that supports Iraq’s pursuit of full self-reliance. But both parties have demonstrated a great deal of flexibility and compromise in the spirit of negotiation between 2 sovereign nations with common goals and objectives. It is not a ‘re-colonisation’ as some of our critics say, or another Anglo-Iraqi treaty of the 1930s that will bind Iraq into the future. The terms of the deal can be reviewed within one or two years, subject to the approval of both sides. Iraq also seeks to draw up Status of Forces Agreements on a bilateral basis with other countries that have troops in our country.
There is, however, a genuine and continued need for the presence of the multinational forces, albeit reduced. They have been vital for political and security achievements to date, particularly during the ‘Surge’ that gave us a critical window of opportunity to pursue reconciliation efforts backed up by the implementation of essential services. However, despite the speculation in the media, there is no fixed date or timetable for the drawdown of MNF troops. The reduction must be conditions-led on the ground, any premature withdrawal would create a vacuum of instability and unleash chaos in Iraq, a country that lies strategically at the heart of the Arab Muslim world, the energy sector and an often volatile and unpredictable region. It is not an understatement to say that the stability of our neighbourhood depends on the stability of Iraq. To this end, our positive integration into the region is critical for the future of our country and the region.
Regionally, our campaign to engage our neighbours continues to develop through dialogue and diplomacy. The series of Neighbouring Countries meetings, expanded to include the UN, the Arab league, the Organisation of Islamic Conference, permanent members of the Security Council, G8 and other key countries and organisations, is now an ongoing Iraqi-led process recognised and supported by the United Nations. It has led to concrete mechanisms through which Iraq and its neighbours can address issues of common interest and resolve issues regarding energy, border security and refugees. However there are still important negotiations to resolve on war repatriation, debt relief and strategic regional water issues.
Our objective has always sought to engage our neighbours constructively in good faith, to support the constitutionally-elected Government in efforts to stabilise Iraq, respect its territorial integrity and sovereignty, and to exert a more positive influence on al Iraq’s communities to pursue a peaceful coexistence and help us in the fight against terrorism. We absolutely reject any interference or destabilising activities and will not tolerate the settling of scores on Iraqi soil. Iraq is destined to live in our neighbourhood, and we interpret the message of intent from our neighbours from their actions, not from their words alone.
There has been some hesitation by our Arab brothers to get on board with Iraq and suspicions of the introduction of democratic values and where we are heading. There has also been both outright, and indirect, support from them for the forces of opposition to the new order. But they now realise we are here to stay and we have proved to be a country that cannot be ignored. We have seen some modifications in their behaviour and positive changes in attitude towards Iraq which has translated on the ground into fewer foreign fighters crossing our borders and a drop in terrorist activity.
We have also welcomed a stream of VIP visitors to Iraq in recent months and for the first time in 5 years – His Majesty King Abdullah of Jordan, the Prime Minister of Lebanon, the Foreign Minister of the United Arab Emirates to name a few and there are moves to re-open a number of Arab missions and embassies in Baghdad. We also anticipate more visitors after Ramadan.
Iraq is a nation abundantly rich in resources and opportunity, and it is in the regional and bilateral interest of the Arab countries, Turkey and Iran, to cooperate with us in partnership, to restore previous bilateral or multilateral initiative in fields of trade, investment, economic exchange among others, to develop prosperous relationships that will reinforce security cooperation.
As security conditions improve, so do the possibilities for developing a market economy that is attractive to external investors and leverages Iraq's significant human and natural resources to pursue our development objectives. We need investment and trade in every industry and there are, of course, major benefits to be reaped from oil and gas development. We have a long way to go in terms of establishing a robust regulatory and legal infrastructure but my government is keen to promote a climate conducive for business and investment, not least that progress in this field will help alleviate unemployment and raise living standards.
Iraq is emerging into a globally interdependent energy market, economy, business environment and security climate. But our geo-political position means we can play a significant role in the regional and international economies, help alleviate growing global needs and create new mutually beneficial relationships, particularly in the energy sector thanks to our wealth of oil and gas resources.
Iraq is no longer a threat to its own people, to the region or to the world. At peace with itself, Iraq can be a positive influencing factor to stability in the Middle East region and an economic powerhouse integrating responsibly with the international community.
In conclusion, the ongoing situation in Iraq continues to have vital strategic resonance internationally, regionally and for the future of the Iraqi people. The bottom line is that we need comprehensive solutions to maintain and increase security, push ahead with democratic political progress through elections and find the solution for distributing our resources equitably. As we emerge from the conflict, Iraq remains fragile on one hand, but stronger for what we have come through in the last five years. The internal stability and prosperity of our country will have an enormous impact for the Middle East and the international community for generations. Stability in Iraq is primarily an Iraqi responsibility, but we encourage international support and consensus between the world’s major powers to help stabilise Iraq and the region. Failure to hold our progress will spark a spiralling downward slide into the violence and destruction that we have suffered in previous years, from which nobody benefits – within or beyond our borders.
Thank You.
